Such comprehensive approaches of QM and BENN require highly committed people. QM’s small-scale area-based interventions may have limited spatial effects with restricted boundaries and mere short-term fillers (DTS, 2007). Voter turnouts in DC meetings of many areas have been relatively low and it is certain that such a program cannot resolve social problems of unemployment or poverty completely but can only reduce their negative effects Whether or not it can prevent it, is highly debatable (AEIDL, 2012), (Europa, 2013). One such example is the QM’s progress over the last 20 years in dealing with the economic and social marginalization being limited by gentrification in a crime-burdened Neukölln district (Kugler, Dinger, & Krauthöfer, 2019), (Schilp, 2019). The “Quartiersräte” or “District councils” do not retain total power in selecting projects and funding. The Senate has the absolute right to select or reject projects. For example, the suggestion proposed by the QM team and council of Düttmann-Siedlung  to offer Arabic courses was rejected by the Senate owing to the fact it is not directly related to integration (Bernath, Radeljic, & Rothermel, 2019). This shows a bit of a conflict in defining the term integration between the senate on one side, and the QM team and the council on the other side. From this, we can learn that the coproduction of decisions and shared responsibilities are important factors for the success of the process.

Further, the process of migrant integration under BENN could be further enhanced by promoting more migrant project leaders and outreach programs. Whether or not such a move would work is questionable provided the political conditions.

Reflecting on the case of Hurghada, knowing the origins of the residents would help while thinking of the process of integration. The residents vary between being descendants of first settlers from the Ababda tribe, or migrants from upper Egypt, delta, and Cairo.